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(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
By Jeffrey Young
The streets of the coastal1 city of Abidjan are quiet again after 10 days of rioting against the French blamed on supporters of the president of Cote D'Ivoire (Ivory Coast), Laurent Gbagbo. The streets are also emptier now that thousands of people -- mostly westerners -- have fled the scene because of violence.
The rage against France comes after years of Cote D'Ivoire's economic and other ties to Paris following the country's independence in 1960. The West African nation's stability and progress was seen as a model for the region until a 1999 coup2 and subsequent flawed election in 2000 that set northern and southern Ivorian factions3 against each other. That election gave the presidency4 to Laurent Gbagbo after denying the candidacy of northern opposition5 leader Alassane Ouattara, whom the courts ruled was not born in Cote D'Ivoire as required.
Tensions erupted in 2002 when northern forces attempted a coup against Mr. Gbagbo, after which France brokered6 a peace agreement including a unity7 government giving posts to northerners. A United Nations peacekeeping mission that included France separated government and rebel forces, but as Abdulaye Dukule, a journalist with AllAfrica.com notes, the mission could not stop actions by both sides. "The rebels kept the line drawn8 between the north and the south," he says. "They kept Bouake as their headquarters. They recruited mercenaries from Burkina Faso and Liberia. So, Gbagbo became impatient and carried out some air raids against them."
One of those government raids was against positions in Bouake, where a French military camp was hit resulting in the deaths of nine French peacekeepers. President Gbagbo said the action was a mistake, but Paris responded by attacking the tiny Ivorian air force, destroying four aircraft and three helicopters. After the incident, radio and television broadcasts called on people to take action against the French, which triggered the mayhem in Abidjan. The violence has prompted the United Nations Security Council to impose an arms embargo9 on Cote D'Ivoire, along with demands to stop the "hate" broadcasts.
Former U.S. Ambassador Princeton Lyman, now with the Washington-based Council on Foreign Relations, says perceptions, along with that attack on the Ivorian air force, have damaged French peace efforts. "There is a suspicion on the part of the government and the pro-government people that the French have been, in fact, sympathetic with the rebels that their military there has in effect been protecting the rebels from being attacked by the government," he tells VOA.
With France less able to mediate10, the African Union --specifically South African President Thabo Mbeki --has stepped into the lead position. The image of Africans solving their own problems bodes11 well on a number of fronts, as Roberta Cohen of the Washington-based Brookings Institution asserts. "One of the reasons why the world community is very enthusiastic to have the African Union there is because it enables the west to not have to intervene," she says. "I think it could probably save face for the French because they can't really act as a neutral force to end this conflict."
However, Ms. Cohen says the African Union's effort may succeed because it is taking on a mediation12 role for the first time in West Africa, and may not have the political capital, logistics and other capabilities13 to resolve the conflict. But, she believes that the AU may be more effective than the West African regional organization ECOWAS, which has mediated14 in neighboring Liberia and Sierra Leone with mixed results.
Jennifer Cooke with the Washington-based Center for Strategic and International Studies says that despite this AU effort, France will have to remain involved in the peace process because of its strong economic presence and other historic factors. She says France's long standing15 presence in the country, though tarnished16 now, is still needed to help ensure that both the government and rebels keep to the terms of the peace accord they have signed. Ms. Cooke also says that to achieve peace, answers have to be found to serious problems that go back long before the current conflict. "There are so many unresolved issues that are at the root of what's happening right now --questions on the issues of nationality, land tenure17, citizenship18, and eligibility19 for the presidency for example," she says.
Many of those issues are rooted in Cote D'Ivoire's constitution, and cannot be changed without a public referendum that may be difficult to hold for now in light of recent tensions. But observers say that without those changes, Cote D'Ivoire cannot regain20 its stability and status as a lawful21 and prosperous nation.
For focus, I'm Jeffrey Young.
注释:
coastal 沿海的
Abidjan 阿比让(科特迪瓦首都)
riot 骚动,暴乱
flee 逃离
coup 政变
subsequent 后来的
flawed 有争议的
Ivorian 象牙海岸的
candidacy 候选资格
erupt 爆发
peacekeeping 维护和平的
mercenary 雇佣兵
air raid 空袭
helicopter 直升机
take action 提出诉讼
mayhem 严重伤害
impose 强制
suspicion 猜疑,怀疑
mediate 调停,仲裁
Sierra Leone 塞拉利昂(西非国家)
tarnish 失去光泽
land tenure 土地所有制
referendum 公民投票
prosperous 繁荣的
1 coastal | |
adj.海岸的,沿海的,沿岸的 | |
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2 coup | |
n.政变;突然而成功的行动 | |
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3 factions | |
组织中的小派别,派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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4 presidency | |
n.总统(校长,总经理)的职位(任期) | |
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5 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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6 brokered | |
adj.由权力经纪人安排(或控制)的v.做掮客(或中人等)( broker的过去式和过去分词 );作为权力经纪人进行谈判;以中间人等身份安排… | |
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7 unity | |
n.团结,联合,统一;和睦,协调 | |
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8 drawn | |
v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
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9 embargo | |
n.禁运(令);vt.对...实行禁运,禁止(通商) | |
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10 mediate | |
vi.调解,斡旋;vt.经调解解决;经斡旋促成 | |
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11 bodes | |
v.预示,预告,预言( bode的第三人称单数 );等待,停留( bide的过去分词 );居住;(过去式用bided)等待 | |
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12 mediation | |
n.调解 | |
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13 capabilities | |
n.能力( capability的名词复数 );可能;容量;[复数]潜在能力 | |
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14 mediated | |
调停,调解,斡旋( mediate的过去式和过去分词 ); 居间促成; 影响…的发生; 使…可能发生 | |
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15 standing | |
n.持续,地位;adj.永久的,不动的,直立的,不流动的 | |
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16 tarnished | |
(通常指金属)(使)失去光泽,(使)变灰暗( tarnish的过去式和过去分词 ); 玷污,败坏 | |
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17 tenure | |
n.终身职位;任期;(土地)保有权,保有期 | |
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18 citizenship | |
n.市民权,公民权,国民的义务(身份) | |
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19 eligibility | |
n.合格,资格 | |
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20 regain | |
vt.重新获得,收复,恢复 | |
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21 lawful | |
adj.法律许可的,守法的,合法的 | |
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